As I understand, rather reintegrate with my understanding of, the Indian polity, the less I am reassured and the more I am unsettled, and so it is confirmed that the structure of governance deigned for this nation is too fragile to withstand the demands made thereof, or that it suffers from a failure of conformance from within as a result of which it serves purposes other than for which its existence may be supported, or that the people require of it a service that it has not been instituted to provide—although the last possibility may be overcome in time.
On the first point—it may be said that two recourses present themselves: 1) intra-judiciary procedures provisioned by the legislature to reaffirm the law; and 2) extra-judiciary procedures instituted to "quicken" litigation and ensure processual transparency. Subscription to the apparent prowess of the latter—consequently acknowledging the loss of faith in the former—in being able to extraneously assist the judicial review is the position of Anna Hazare's proposed Jan Lokpal Bill (2011). This, however, is a dangerous option because it elevates unelected officials to positions of power, thereby superceding the democratic process, and subjects the higher judiciary itself to review, thereby threatening the very basis from which the powers of law find meaning: the Indian Constitution.
On the second point—a correction of such failures, as such, demands a review of the electoral process together with a moral reconsideration by the citizenry whereby, in the nationalistic and patriotic spirit, personal judgments are sacrificed to elect responsible and wholly qualified individuals to offices of power. To that end, the government must first, and foremost, make education free of cost or labour, then support the growth of industries to generate opportunities for the knowledge of a student to find constructive and productive realization, and then, most importantly, ensure an ease of access to political opinion and political debate so as to advance political representation.
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