The usual afterthought

1. Is it fair to argue if the broadcast or the print journalists have misrepresented the Jan Lokpall Bill issue more after they founded their every production on the matter upon a presumed bias?


2. It is becoming obvious as time passes that, with more and more exposition of the discussions between UPA-II and the Hazare Camp, the media, during the early days of Hazare's first fast, guided the audience away from the government's defense, thereby passing an early judgment in favour of Hazare.


3. Is Anna Hazare not placing enough faith in Constitutional processes or is it that the UPA-II is being stubborn with its demands? Because having already lost its significance as a severe form of protest, the hunger strike is being "conscripted for duty" once every two or three weeks.


4. Despite being a physically peaceful form of protest, the hunger strike places a heavy emotional burden upon the government to accede to any contented demands: essentially, the Center is being forced to meet constantly increasing expectations while frustrations are only exacerbated. At the end of the day, Hazare is not going to be satisfied even if the UPA-II has scored 9 out of 10. Is this approach acceptable when coalition politics are concerned?


5. While Baba Ramdev was like a bit of flash fiction - "suddenly present and quickly fading" - his demands were, on the face of it, naive and dangerous. However, it looks as if Hazare is also going the same way and here's why: by turning this into a political battle, the Indian National Congress has managed to separate the circumstantial urgency surrounding Hazare's first fast from the necessity of the Bill as well as isolate the only context within which the Bill stood a chance of being passed quickly: apolitical, constitutionally-granted people power. The people are now less frustrated and more resigned, and Hazare is left fighting a morphing beast with old methods.


6. Wouldn't it seem odd if 40 years of vile corruption is brought to a close within 8-12 months? Even an institution such as that of the Lokpal Committee is going to take some time, and if Hazare the Gandhian is to win it, then Hazare has to go the Gandhian way: patience. He must remain in the eyes of the people as a symbol of the fight, and fasting is not the way to go about it. Fasting is not going to unite the people. Fasting is not going to mobilize frustration.


7. The Indian National Congress should hire new spokespersons. They are the cilia of the amoebic assemblage that is the ruling coalition, and if they're going to walk in different directions, a departmental fracture is imminent.


8. → In the first phase, the media was active with its opinions and its coverage; in the second phase, the media was active with its coverage; in the third phase, the media turned critical of its coverage and of either factions' stances; in the fourth phase, the media is turning critical of its coverage.
   → During the first phase, the anti-corruption movement was in full swing; during the second phase, contribution of support to the anti-corruption movement was in full swing; during the third phase, the anti-corruption movement was "progressing" toward negotiations with the government; in the fourth phase, the negotiations with the government have been stalled.
   → During the first phase, Anna Hazare pressed for some changes; during the second phase, Anna Hazare pressed for the same changes; during the third phase, Anna Hazare pressed for the same changes; during the fourth phase, Anna Hazare is pressing for the same changes.
   
   Conclusions:
   
   → Those organizations - political or not - working to increase political participation must, in most part, work to increase political representation exclusively from the media.
   → Media channels working to increase political participation must, in most part, work to increase political obligation and therefore remain decidedly neutral from the start or face the risk of having their influencing power delegitimized in the eyes of the public.